By Geoffrey Till
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Extra resources for Britain and NATO’s Northern Flank
Concerns about peacetime stability had to be weighed against potential efficiency in war. Norwegian authorities were concerned also about not being locked in by inflexible or high-risk defence plans, and about being able to maintain control over the way in which such plans would be carried out in Norway. Furthermore, they wanted to be able Johan 1¢rgen Holst 41 to generate repeated responses to ambiguous warning while at the same time maintaining a level of preparedness which makes frequent responses unnecessary.
In Sweden in the 1970s, this way of thinking had a very strong hold on the public debate - and detente in Europe also seemed to provide justification for more relaxed views on security. Today, as I have already indicated, the debate seems more balanced, with realism a much more conspicious component. In Sweden, as in Norway, influential voices have also advocated increasing resources for military defense as a response to the Nordic area having become more exposed to the strategic concerns of the Superpowers and the alliances.
Eckhoff and S. Owe (eds), Nordisk atomvapenfri sone (Oslo: Aschehoug, 1983) p. 28; Danmarks sikkerhedspolitiske situation i 1980 'erne (Copenhagen, 1984) p. 45. 36. Clive Archer, Deterrence and Reassurance in Northern Europe, Centrepiece 6, Winter 1984 (Aberdeen: Centre for Defence Studies) p. 63. 37. Archer, Deterrence and Reassurance, pp. 39-47. 38. Nordisk Kontakt, 1985, 4: 301, 13: 913: 1986, 2: 16, 3: 4, 4: 2. 39. Nordisk Kontakt, 1985, 12: 808, 16: 1109-13. 40. The Dyvig Report (1984) dealt inter alia with the question in Denmark, and the Colding Report (1985) dealt with it in Norway.