Britain and NATO’s Northern Flank by Geoffrey Till

By Geoffrey Till

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Concerns about peacetime stability had to be weighed against potential efficiency in war. Norwegian authorities were concerned also about not being locked in by inflexible or high-risk defence plans, and about being able to maintain control over the way in which such plans would be carried out in Norway. Furthermore, they wanted to be able Johan 1¢rgen Holst 41 to generate repeated responses to ambiguous warning while at the same time maintaining a level of preparedness which makes frequent responses unnecessary.

In Sweden in the 1970s, this way of thinking had a very strong hold on the public debate - and detente in Europe also seemed to provide justification for more relaxed views on security. Today, as I have already indicated, the debate seems more balanced, with realism a much more conspicious component. In Sweden, as in Norway, influential voices have also advocated increasing resources for military defense as a response to the Nordic area having become more exposed to the strategic concerns of the Superpowers and the alliances.

Eckhoff and S. Owe (eds), Nordisk atomvapenfri sone (Oslo: Aschehoug, 1983) p. 28; Danmarks sikkerhedspolitiske situation i 1980 'erne (Copenhagen, 1984) p. 45. 36. Clive Archer, Deterrence and Reassurance in Northern Europe, Centrepiece 6, Winter 1984 (Aberdeen: Centre for Defence Studies) p. 63. 37. Archer, Deterrence and Reassurance, pp. 39-47. 38. Nordisk Kontakt, 1985, 4: 301, 13: 913: 1986, 2: 16, 3: 4, 4: 2. 39. Nordisk Kontakt, 1985, 12: 808, 16: 1109-13. 40. The Dyvig Report (1984) dealt inter alia with the question in Denmark, and the Colding Report (1985) dealt with it in Norway.

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