Cyber Policy in China (China Today) by Greg Austin

By Greg Austin

Few doubt that China desires to be a tremendous financial and armed forces energy at the international level. to accomplish this bold aim, even if, the PRC management understands that China needs to first develop into a complicated information-based society. yet does China have what it takes to get there? Are its leaders ready to make the harsh offerings required to safe China’s cyber destiny? Or is there a basic mismatch among China’s cyber objectives and the regulations pursued by way of the CCP earlier?

This publication deals the 1st accomplished research of China’s info society. It explores the major functional demanding situations dealing with chinese language politicians as they fight to marry the improvement of recent info and communications know-how with previous methods of governing their humans and carrying out diplomacy. primary realities of the knowledge age, no longer least its globalizing personality, are forcing the velocity of technological swap in China and aren't totally suitable with the outdated PRC ethics of balance, nationwide commercial energy and sovereignty. What occurs to China in destiny many years depends on the moral offerings its leaders are keen to make at the present time. The stakes are excessive. but when China’s ruling occasion doesn't adapt extra aggressively to the defining realities of strength and social association within the details age, the ‘China dream’ seems not likely to turn into a truth.

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Extra info for Cyber Policy in China (China Today)

Sample text

China was reacting to a series of statements by Taiwan’s president, Li Teng-hui, about the island’s political status and associated US statements and decisions. In 1996, a major breakthrough in informatization policy was imminent. That year, the leaders decided to upgrade the pre-existing joint conference for national informatization (the NIJC) and set up the SILG within the State Council. The head of the new SILG was a vicepremier, as with the NIJC, but the new group was to meet once or twice per month instead of twice per year as before.

Zhao’s former secretary, who accompanied him to Tiananmen Square in a famous last effort to convince the protesters to leave it, was Wen Jiabao, who subsequently became premier of China from 2003 to 2013, and who was later one of the leading advocates of informatization in the leadership. The events were so momentous that Chinese leaders were obliged to propagandize their view both of the demonstrations and of the issues they had raised. The leadership views were firmly imposed on the public consciousness of the country, including through trials of some of the demonstrators and a massive propaganda campaign.

The leaders were making an unmistakable recommitment to the need for talented, energetic leaders who understood the political implications of informatization and reform. The associated government-wide decision that year was the elevation of the information economy to the status of ‘important objective’. A National Informatization Joint Conference (NIJC) was set up to lead the effort. The CCP appeared to be moving quickly with the related decision one year later to set up a new corporation, China Unicom, to manage mobile phones independently of China Telecom, the state-owned body.

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